President Obama says he wants to reduce America’s record trillion-dollar deficits. Too bad he hasn’t even correctly diagnosed their cause.
During his State of the Union Address, the president asserted: “At the beginning of the last decade, America had a budget surplus of over $200 billion. By the time I took office, we had a one-year deficit of over $1 trillion and projected deficits of $8 trillion over the next decade. Most of this was the result of not paying for two wars, two tax cuts, and an expensive prescription-drug program.”
In other words, it’s President George W. Bush’s fault.
This can’t be true. Mr. Bush implemented the three policies mentioned by Mr. Obama in the early 2000s. Yet by 2007 — the last year before the recession — the budget deficit stood at only $161 billion. So how could those policies cause trillion-dollar deficits from 2009 through 2020?
Let’s unpack Mr. Obama’s claim.
His methodology measures the combined cost of the three policies against a “budget baseline” — a snapshot of what the budget would look like for the next decade if today’s tax and spending policies are maintained. Think of the budget baseline as the do-nothing default option.
The first problem is the president’s baseline deficit of “$8 trillion over the next decade.” This likely refers to the 10-year, $8.9 trillion deficit in the White House’s budget baseline last year.
Yet this baseline contained numerous questionable assumptions. It assumed that spending in Iraq and Afghanistan would continue growing forever, while spending on regular discretionary programs (which has doubled over the past decade) would slow to approximately 2 percent annual growth for most of the decade.
The baseline also incorporated provisions of Mr. Obama’s own stimulus bill that had already been enacted — deficit spending that he obviously didn’t inherit from his predecessor. Thus, the $8 trillion baseline deficit figure is not credible.
And that’s not all. By writing a baseline that assumes spending in Iraq and Afghanistan would continue growing forever (which was never U.S. policy), the president overstates the “inherited cost” of these wars over the next decade by $1 trillion. In reality, troop pullouts will drastically reduce the impact of Iraq and Afghanistan on future budget deficits.
Overall, the president’s data contains too many dubious assumptions to be useful.
So how much of the deficit is really caused by the tax cuts, war spending and Medicare prescription-drug entitlement?
One easy method is to begin with a more realistic budget baseline, using data from the more neutral Congressional Budget Office (CBO). Maintaining today’s tax and spending policies (and assuming a gradual troop drawdown in Iraq and Afghanistan) would, using CBO data, bring $13 trillion in deficits over the next decade.
Compare that to the 10-year cost of the tax cuts ($3 trillion), Medicare prescription-drug entitlement ($1 trillion) and Iraq and Afghanistan spending (approximately $600 billion, again assuming a gradual troop drawdown). This adds up to $4.6 trillion, or just over one-third of the $13 trillion in baseline deficits.
This contradicts the president’s claim that most of the deficits result from those three policies.
Even this methodology does not tell the whole story. After all, if Washington collects $3 trillion in taxes and spends $4 trillion, who’s to say which of the spending programs “caused” the resulting $1 trillion deficit? One could pinpoint any $1 trillion group of spending programs and blame them for the budget deficit.
A better way to diagnose the cause of long-term deficits is to measure taxes and spending against their historical averages. This more comprehensive methodology shows that long-term deficits are overwhelmingly driven by runaway entitlement spending.
By 2020, the CBO-based budget baseline projects that federal spending will reach 26.0 percent of the economy (5.3 percent of the economy above the 40-year spending average). Revenues will settle at 17.7 percent of the economy (just 0.6 percent of the economy below the revenue average) — and even that assumes all tax cuts are extended.
So as deficits expand by 5.9 percent of the economy, nearly 90 percent of the growth will come from higher-than-average spending, and just over 10 percent from lower-than-average revenues.
Virtually all of this new spending will come from surging Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid costs (driven primarily by 77 million retiring baby boomers), as well as net interest on the national debt. These four expenditures will cost $26 trillion over the next decade — surging from $1.6 trillion this year to $3.6 trillion in 2020. That is causing the massive budget deficits over the next decade — and must be the focus of any serious effort to reduce the budget deficit.
Finally, there is some hypocrisy at work. Mr. Obama criticizes Mr. Bush for “not paying for two wars, two tax cuts, and an expensive prescription-drug program.” Yet he would extend $3.9 trillion of these policies (while repealing $700 billion in tax cuts) without paying for them, either. By his own logic, he’s almost as irresponsible as Mr. Bush.
Looks like Mother Nature didn’t get the message about the budget crises in most of the states. So, she twice dumped a bunch of snow on the Midwest and East that required states, cities, and counties to plow – in between frantic calls to the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) for reinforcements.
The calls prompted FEMA to fire-up its fleet of snowplows and dispatch its army of snow shovel crews. Not really. FEMA doesn’t have snowplows or snow shovel crews, so why the frantic calls to Washington? Answer: FEMA has money and, when it declares a disaster, it pays for 75 percent or more of the costs. So, the calls to FEMA are really about getting taxpayers outside of the impacted states to subsidize the snow removal costs in the Midwest and East.
Unfortunately, this cost-shifting move by governors isn’t new. In 1993, FEMA started issuing a greater number of declarations for natural disasters that historically had been handled and paid for entirely by the states. Like most things, we have federalized routine natural disasters in America so that Washington subsidizes virtually every flood, fire, or tornado.
From 1981 to 1993, FEMA issued on average a meager 43 declarations per year. From 1993 to 2001, President Bill Clinton approved on average 89 FEMA declarations per year, including the record of 157 in his reelection year. To prove the bipartisanship aspect of FEMA, President George W. Bush approved on average 130 declarations per year. President Obama started strong with 108 FEMA declarations – in a year devoid of hurricanes or earthquakes.
Since 1953, FEMA has issued 294 declarations due to winter storms. Of those, 37 were issued from 1953 to 1992, roughly one winter storm declaration per year. In contrast, the other 257, or 87 percent, occurred over the last 17 years – 15 winter storm declarations annually. Clinton’s FEMA accounted for 108 of those declarations, Bush’s FEMA 128, and Obama’s FEMA has 21 so far, putting him on track for roughly 160 such declarations should he serve two terms. The problem is the money isn’t free.
The other problem is that a November rule change may prevent states from pushing their snow removal costs to FEMA. The rule for an emergency declaration requires the snowfalls to occur within a 48-hour period. The two storms that hit the Midwest and East this month were separated by about 72 hours, which means each snowstorm would have to be significant enough on its own to qualify for federal aid. In most states, they don’t. In fact, as of today, only New Jersey has qualified for a FEMA declaration. So, now the pressure will build from governors and their congressional delegations to get FEMA to waive the new rule. With all of the snow-covered states already facing enormous budget deficits, there is no money to pay for the snow removal.
With the federalization of natural disasters, states have learned they don’t have to plan or set aside funds. FEMA will pay. This mentality is what has us in the fiscal mess we are in. It is high time this federalization movement comes to a halt and for states to plan and budget for their known costs.